Will the swell of patriotic expression translate into better civics teaching and learning in U.S. schools?

By David T. Gordon

If there is a silver lining to the awful events of September 11, it may be found in the way Americans have responded. Across the United States, the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, DC, have refreshed a spirit of community and appreciation for the democratic ties that bind a multiethnic, multiracial, multireligious nation of 280 million. There have been some ugly exceptions, including threats against Arab Americans and Muslims, but such incidents have been relatively rare. For the most part, tolerance, generosity, and unity have prevailed.

Interestingly, the U.S. institutions best prepared to deal with the shock of September 11 may have been K-12 schools. Following a rash of deadly school shootings, many schools already had crisis-intervention plans in place to comfort and counsel fearful students in case of another Columbine. At the same time, the spread of anti-bullying programs and multicultural curricula in the 1990s laid important groundwork for teaching tolerance and discouraging the stereotyping of Arab and Muslim children.

Schools have also led the way in a national resurgence of patriotic expression. The national anthem and the Pledge of Allegiance are back in places like New York City, where they long ago had fallen out of favor. On October 12, school kids from Hawaii to Maine recited the Pledge in unison, led by U.S. Education Secretary Roderick Paige. Across the country, children have been drawing the Stars and Stripes, discussing America's global role with renewed appreciation (and some apprehension), and writing letters of encouragement to firefighters, police, and other civil servants.

In some cases, this show of patriotic sentiment has sparked controversy (see page 3) and raised concerns that students whose views don't fall into line with conventional wisdom will be intimidated or harassed. "I am concerned we will stifle dissent, and that we'll emphasize patriotism at the expense of citizenship," says Tony Wagner, codirector of the Change Leadership Group at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. "Students need more than the Pledge of Allegiance. They need time for thoughtful discussions about who we are as Americans."

Whether today's burst of patriotism can serve as a springboard to more thoughtful teaching and learning in citizenship remains to be seen. Those who believe civics and other social studies subjects have gotten short shrift in the past decade certainly hope so. "This has strengthened the resolve of history and social-science teachers to make sure citizenship, social issues, and geography play a bigger role in the curriculum so that kids can be part of the national dialogue, too," says Cricket F.L. Kidwell, president of the California Council for the Social Studies.

Indeed, September 11 has created an environment ripe for teaching the fundamentals of constitutional government, democracy, and the U.S. role in promoting (or sometimes inhibiting) the spread of such values. What common goals and ideals do we have-and are they worth defending? What similar challenges have we faced in our short 225-year history and how did we respond to them? What are the responsibilities of government in times of crisis? How do we balance security needs with respect for individual rights?

Given the disappointing results of the 1998 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) in civics, improvement in that subject is clearly needed. The congressionally mandated NAEP revealed that a large majority of the 22,000 U.S. students tested (grades 4, 8, and 12) have a weak understanding of the purpose and function of their Constitutional government. For example, only 15 percent of 4th graders could name two services paid for with tax dollars; just 6 percent of 8th graders could describe how a country benefits from having a constitution; less than one-third of high school seniors knew that the U.S. Supreme Court is charged with using judicial review to preserve minority rights. In all, just about 20 percent of students at each grade level ranked "proficient" or "advanced" in their understanding of civics.

That may help explain the low participation of young people in the most basic civic exercise: voting. Just 17 percent of 18- to-29-year-olds bothered to vote in the most closely contested presidential election in U.S. history in November 2000. That continued a downward trend from about 50 percent in 1972, the first year 18-year-olds could vote. In the annual survey of 404,667 U.S. college freshmen by researchers at UCLA's Higher Education Research Institute, only 28.1 percent of those interviewed in 2000 said they kept up with political affairs, down from 60.3 percent in 1966. Just 16.4 percent discussed politics frequently, half as many as in 1968.

Of course, widespread disinterest in and disdain for U.S. political and civic life is by no means a problem confined to youth. Only 51 percent of eligible voters of all ages turned out for the November 2000 election. For three decades, the credibility of U.S. government institutions and political processes has been under attack from both Left and Right, fostering widespread cynicism. At the same time, Americans have become increasingly detached from community life, as chronicled in Harvard sociologist Robert D. Putnam's compelling book, Bowling Alone, published in 2000. Young people are following the example set by the adults around them.

Impolite Word?

Another factor may also help explain students' disinterest in civic life and disappointing academic outcomes in related subjects: an erosion of patriotism. That's the case made by William Damon, education professor and director of the Center on Adolescence at Stanford University, in a newly published essay entitled "Restoring Civil Identity Among the Young." He argues that since Vietnam patriotism has become an "impolite word" in academic circles and has been shut out of many K-12 social studies curricula. "When patriotism does come up in education, the goal is usually to find ways to guard against its dangers," he writes. "Many educators see patriotism as antithetical to a more global perspective on humanity and thus as the enemy of such humane conditions as peace and justice."

The result? Students do not learn to positively identify with democratic society and consequently are unwilling-unable, really-to commit to it. This is especially harmful in the K-12 years, Damon writes, when students are developing their self-identities. "They need to acquire a love of their society, a sense of pride in its best traditions, an emotional affiliation with the broader community of state, a sense of patriotism in the benevolent and inclusive senses of that word, if they are to develop a civil identity. All this must be done through action as well as words, in multiple contexts, and in ways that inspire students on the emotional as well as the intellectual plane."

Without a rich and thoughtful appreciation for democratic community-and how an inspired, knowledgeable citizenry can improve it-kids have no reason to make a commitment to it. Damon is not suggesting that social studies curricula function as some kind of national hagiography, ignoring the country's failures. But authentic and constructive criticism-rather than cynicism-is only possible if it is grounded in a positive and sympathetic understanding of the country.

"It's all about keeping perspective," Damon tells the Harvard Education Letter. "We need to be perfectly honest with kids about our failures, but that doesn't mean they should come away from social studies class with a sense that America is something to be ashamed of and that citizenship is something to disaffiliate with. That's very dangerous for society and for democracy. And it's dangerous for kids' individual development. It robs them of something positive they can identify with, a positive sense of purpose."

Parents seem to agree. A 1998 survey by the nonpartisan research organization Public Agenda showed that 84 percent of parents with school-aged children said they believe that the United States is a special country and they want schools to convey that belief to their children by teaching about its heroes and traditions. Similar numbers identified the American ideal as including equal opportunity, individual freedom, and tolerance and respect for others. Those findings were consistent across racial and ethnic groups. Furthermore, the poll of 801 foreign-born and U.S.-born parents revealed nothing naive or reflexive in this patriotism: nine in 10 also agreed that the U.S. government sometimes lies to the public, and nearly two-thirds said the United States does not live up to all of its ideals.

In the wake of September 11, several textbook publishers will be revising their books to accommodate that view and the new national mood. For example, the authors of The American Nation, Prentice-Hall's best-selling U.S. history textbook for middle school students, will likely replace a conclusion emphasizing diversity with one about public service and the common quest for human freedom. "There will be a greater focus on pluralistic integration," says co-author Michael Stoff, associate professor of history at the University of Texas, Austin. "The shift is not to 'we're all the same' but to 'we're all Americans.' One thing we stress is that diversity is the great strength in America and that respecting those differences is essential. Unity ought not to trump the right to dissent. That's how a nation of many becomes a nation of one."

Cultivating a sense of the "glue" that binds the many pages of American society is an essential part of good civics instruction, says Charles N. Quigley, director of the California-based Center for Civic Education: "What unites us? What are the principles and values that define us? What does it mean to be an American?"

Does Civics Help?

Assuming that the recent showing of patriotic sentiment could serve as a spark for deeper, more thoughtful civics education, one question begs an answer: does civics instruction actually produce more-informed citizens? Based on research done in the 1960s, the longstanding conventional wisdom among political scientists has been that K-12 civics instruction does not result in greater knowledge about politics and government among high school graduates. However, a book-length analysis of the 1998 NAEP data by political scientists Richard G. Niemi (University of Rochester) and Jane Junn (Rutgers University) reveals the opposite. High school seniors who had taken dedicated courses in civics or government demonstrated significantly more political knowledge than those who hadn't.

Of course, direct instruction is not enough. Niemi and Junn's analysis also revealed important characteristics of effective civics instruction. First, students who studied a wide variety of topics, from criminal justice to state and local government to the role of lobbyists, achieved at higher levels. And those whose classes connected theory and history to contemporary practice through frequent discussions of current events scored better-impressive, write Niemi and Junn, because NAEP did not test students' knowledge of contemporary politics per se.

All told, those who had dedicated civics instruction that covered a wide variety of topics and included frequent discussions of contemporary events performed 11 percent better than students who didn't have such instruction. "One finding is clear and consistent: school and curriculum have an enduring impact on the development of civic knowledge in high school students," write Niemi and Junn. In addition, more knowledgeable students had more confidence that the American political system, while not perfect, is responsive, i.e., that their vote really counts, a finding "consistent with the argument that lack of knowledge leads to greater cynicism," they write.

For students who do not go to college-and a higher proportion of those from a low socioeconomic status do not-K-12 civics education may be the only opportunity they have to develop the empowering citizenship skills they need to ensure that their voice is heard in democratic discussions on all levels.

What then are the characteristics of good citizenship education? One place to begin is the National Standards for Civics and Government, commissioned by the U.S. Department of Education and developed by the Center for Civic Education with the aid of numerous scholars and teachers. The standards provided the basis for the latest National Assessment of Educational Progress in civics. Also helpful are the Curriculum Standards for Social Studies, published by the National Council on the Social Studies (NCSS). Those documents, the work of Niemi and Junn, other research studies, and interviews with educators reveal some of the earmarks of good civics education:

. Students learn civics knowledge and skills at every grade level, with a special emphasis on instruction in the senior year of high school. Niemi and Junn's study found that students who have direct instruction in politics and government at age 17, when they are about to assume the rights and responsibilities of adults, are more likely to participate in political life through voting and other activities.

. Students learn the United States' founding documents, civic institutions, and political processes to lay the groundwork for understanding not only their own government but others, too. Also, as Niemi and Junn point out, comparing the U.S. system to others-for example, to parliamentary systems with coalition governments-provides important points of reference for a better understanding not only of how the United States functions but of why it was organized this way.

. Students learn to connect current events and controversies to those principles. Niemi and Junn point out that in many civics classes, controversial issues are avoided, promoting a false understanding of how the partisan political process really works. To do so, adds Harvard's Tony Wagner, does students a disservice: "We have to help kids understand what the struggle for democracy is all about-especially that it is a struggle. It's not something that is handed to you but something you have to fight for."

. Students have opportunities to practice democratic citizenship by taking part in programs such as mock trials and legislatures, school government, and conflict-resolution programs. These teach essential principles of justice such as protecting those with minority viewpoints, providing a safe environment for debate, and practicing shared authority. For example, a survey of South Dakota elementary school principals by researchers Jay Heath and Phil Vik of the University of South Dakota found that students who took part in school councils developed citizenship skills, including those associated with solving problems, sharing ideas, and managing projects.

. Students have opportunities to connect with the community by designing and taking part in service-learning projects. Numerous studies have documented how service learning enhances civic-mindedness. A 1997 review of service-learning programs led by Shepherd Zeldin of the University of Wisconsin- Madison found that the programs most successful at instilling an ethic of civic responsibility were those that let students design their activities, carry them out, analyze and reflect on them, and make changes according to their analysis. Also, students whose schools arranged such opportunities were twice as likely to volunteer for community service, according to a 1999 survey of 6th- through 12th-grade students commissioned by the U.S. Department of Education.

. Students get to learn about local issues from local leaders. "Schools need to introduce kids to positive exemplars, especially on the local level," says Stanford's William Damon. "They need to see people who are taking civic leadership and responsibility, get to know them as flesh-and-blood human beings. Bring mayors or journalists into schools to discuss issues. Find points of contention-kids will get into that-and bring these issues to life. Then go back and connect it to history. Compare a tax fight in town with the ones that sparked the Revolutionary War." The Niemi and Junn analysis of the NAEP showed that students learn and understand more easily about local government than state or federal government-yet many civics courses ignore local issues altogether, missing an opportunity for engagement. They write: "When learning about their own towns or cities, for example, students can be shown the actual plot of land that the zoning board is ruling on. They often have direct access to local officials and . . . can certainly observe legislative bodies, including school boards."

Journalists have already taken to calling today's kids Generation 9-11 and Generation Why. Undoubtedly, the attacks of September 11-which killed more Americans than the Revolutionary War-will long be remembered by students. The jury is out on whether that leads to some profound change in how this generation views citizenship, says Damon. "What will kids find to inspire them? Can they rise above their own self-interest? That's what patriotism is about. You are willing to make sacrifices for the community. It's not just about waving the flag."

It will be up to adults, including those in schools, to make sure that the Pledge of Allegiance and the national anthem are just the beginning of such thoughtful assessment and not a hollow end in themselves.

For Further Information

Center for Civic Education (CCE). National Standards for Civics and Government. Calabasas, CA: CCE, 1994.

W. Damon. "Restoring Civil Identity Among the Young," in Making Good Citizens, ed. D. Ravitch and J. Viteritti. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001.

J. Glenn. "The Benefits of Service-Learning." Harvard Education Letter 17, no. 1 (January/February 2001): 8.

J.A. Heath and P. Vik. "Elementary School Student Councils: A Statewide Study." Principal 74, no. 1 (September 1994): 31-32, 34.

B. Kleiner and C. Chapman. Youth Service-Learning and Community Service Among 6th- through 12th-grade Students in the United States: 1996 and 1999. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 1999.

National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS). Expectations of Excellence: Curriculum Standards for Social Studies. Washington, DC: Author, 1994.

R.G. Niemi and J. Junn. Civic Education. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998.

Public Agenda. A Lot to Be Thankful for: What Parents Want Children to Learn About America. New York: Public Agenda, 1998.

S. Zeldin and S. Tarlov. "Service Learning as a Vehicle for Youth Development," in Service Learning: Ninety-Sixth Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education, ed. J. Schine. Chicago: National Society for the Study of Education, 1997.